
Every society contains elements of conservatism that reflect in its social behaviour. These Elements react strongly to winds of change generating social polarisation viz-a-viz modern reformist forces. Societies have to live through and survive this conflict. Since 1989, Hindu conservatism has become more vocal in India. Firstly, an aggressive articulation of their demand to conserve Hindu values has become evident. Secondly, they wish to impose their own interpretation of religious texts by claiming to be the sole vanguards of Hinduism. While doing so, they do not shrink from adopting antidemocratic techniques such as gagging liberal voices through hooliganism. This is not the first instance of a clash between the conservatives and reformers among Hindus. Roughly 200 years ago, some Bengali intellectuals lead by Raja Ram Mohan Roy (founder of the brahamsamaja) and Ishwar chandra Vidyasagar challenged social evils such as widow burning, child marriage and discrimination against women. Bengali literature of that era depicts the irrationality and futility of such evils while exposing the vested interests behind continuing them. This era also witnessed preachings from reformers like Ramkishna Paramhansa and Swami Vivakananda. Dayananda Saraswati, who founded the Aryasamaj, battled against a distorted interpretation of religious texts simultaneously challenging notions of Hindu idol worship. His intention was to establish once again the true notion of Dharma as shown in the Vedas. However, modern Hindu conservatism is essentially different from its earlier shades. The nature of conflict between conservatism and reform too is entirely different. Earlier polarisations were fuelled by a desire to eradicate social religious evil. Reformers like Roy, Vidyasagar, Paramhans, Dayananda and Theosophists were guided by a scientific-Humanistic attitude coupled with an understanding of the Vedas. Reformers challenged Hindu orthodoxy which was propagated by a perverted dominant Hindu elite supported by a docile clergy of Brahmans who had chosen to close their eyes on social evil. Instead of guiding the ruler and condemning his misdeeds (which is the avowed task of the Brahman) he began to justify whatever the ruler did. By affixing a stamp of religious validity on evils, the Brahman became a party to religious distortion. Reformers exposed this nexus and enlightened the masses by their preaching. Thereby they succeeded in eradicating many socio-religious evils of Hinduism. Finally, these reformers believed that until we put our own house in order, through vigorous reform, we will fail to get free from colonialism. Therefore, the reform movement of this era became an integral part of our national movement. Contemporary Hindu conservatism is entirely different. Firstly, those opposing the conservatives are not reformers at all. At best, we may call them liberals. Both, the liberals and the conservatives, have a common agenda. None of them is seriously interested in socio-religious reform or eradicating the remaining evils in Hindu society. Instead, their mission is to consolidate their political constituencies. Their techniques are aimed at maximising their share of Hindu vote. Earlier reformers were guided by a profound knowledge of Vedik as well as western philosophy. Today, both the camps are guided by purely practical political considerations. Finally, modern Hindu conservatism is belligerent, intolerant and aggressive. This argument may be substantiated by monitoring the activities of those representing consevatism. The BJP, the shivasena, the bajrang Dal and the RSS may be grouped under this category. In order to achieve their objective, the conservativbes have adopted three courses of action since 1987. First, They want to build a magnificient temple of Lord Ram at Ayodhya, which is his recognised birth place. The problem is that they want to build this temple by replacing a disputed structure, which the Muslims claim was a mosque erected by Babar. This structure had been locked up by a judicial order for five decades. Examined rationally, the issue is very small. The temple may b e built a few yards away or the Muslims might agree for a replacement. But a politically charged atmosphere has ensured that conservatives from both communities gather for a pitched and prolonged battle. Hindu conservatives won’t give up because they think that earlier pseudo-secular regimes have given enough concessions to appease a minority which does not deserve them. So this time they must give up. Muslim conservatives think that if they give up this time, more will follow. Second, they wish to impose a cultural code for Hindu behaviour. How Hindus, particularly women, should dress? Hindus should shun western festivals such as the Valentine’s Day. The Bajrang dal and the Shivasena are prepared to obstruct VD celebrations physically. They have been smashing show windows displaying Valentine’s Day material. This is coupled with an aggressive promotion of Hindu rituals and festivals such as the Kumbh. Thirdly, Hindu conservatives want to promote a nationalist economic policy. This includes restrictions on the import of foreign consumer goods and corespondign concessions to Indian industry. The closer they are to political power, the better this agenda will be implemented. So far this trend is under control. Hoever, the liberals must get together and prevent Hindu conservatism from developing into a form of fanaticism. Like the one being implemented by the Taleban in Afghanistan and Islamic fundamentalists elsewhere. It would be very sad to witness a Hindu vice and virtue police from marching across the streets of India imposing a completely distorted version of Hindu religious texts and blocking out any liberal opinion by force. ,Every society contains elements of conservatism that reflect in its social behaviour. These Elements react strongly to winds of change generating social polarisation viz-a-viz modern reformist forces. Societies have to live through and survive this conflict. Since 1989, Hindu conservatism has become more vocal in India. Firstly, an aggressive articulation of their demand to conserve Hindu values has become evident. Secondly, they wish to impose their own interpretation of religious texts by claiming to be the sole vanguards of Hinduism. While doing so, they do not shrink from adopting antidemocratic techniques such as gagging liberal voices through hooliganism. This is not the first instance of a clash between the conservatives and reformers among Hindus. Roughly 200 years ago, some Bengali intellectuals lead by Raja Ram Mohan Roy (founder of the brahamsamaja) and Ishwar chandra Vidyasagar challenged social evils such as widow burning, child marriage and discrimination against women. Bengali literature of that era depicts the irrationality and futility of such evils while exposing the vested interests behind continuing them. This era also witnessed preachings from reformers like Ramkishna Paramhansa and Swami Vivakananda. Dayananda Saraswati, who founded the Aryasamaj, battled against a distorted interpretation of religious texts simultaneously challenging notions of Hindu idol worship. His intention was to establish once again the true notion of Dharma as shown in the Vedas. However, modern Hindu conservatism is essentially different from its earlier shades. The nature of conflict between conservatism and reform too is entirely different. Earlier polarisations were fuelled by a desire to eradicate social religious evil. Reformers like Roy, Vidyasagar, Paramhans, Dayananda and Theosophists were guided by a scientific-Humanistic attitude coupled with an understanding of the Vedas. Reformers challenged Hindu orthodoxy which was propagated by a perverted dominant Hindu elite supported by a docile clergy of Brahmans who had chosen to close their eyes on social evil. Instead of guiding the ruler and condemning his misdeeds (which is the avowed task of the Brahman) he began to justify whatever the ruler did. By affixing a stamp of religious validity on evils, the Brahman became a party to religious distortion. Reformers exposed this nexus and enlightened the masses by their preaching. Thereby they succeeded in eradicating many socio-religious evils of Hinduism. Finally, these reformers believed that until we put our own house in order, through vigorous reform, we will fail to get free from colonialism. Therefore, the reform movement of this era became an integral part of our national movement. Contemporary Hindu conservatism is entirely different. Firstly, those opposing the conservatives are not reformers at all. At best, we may call them liberals. Both, the liberals and the conservatives, have a common agenda. None of them is seriously interested in socio-religious reform or eradicating the remaining evils in Hindu society. Instead, their mission is to consolidate their political constituencies. Their techniques are aimed at maximising their share of Hindu vote. Earlier reformers were guided by a profound knowledge of Vedik as well as western philosophy. Today, both the camps are guided by purely practical political considerations. Finally, modern Hindu conservatism is belligerent, intolerant and aggressive. This argument may be substantiated by monitoring the activities of those representing consevatism. The BJP, the shivasena, the bajrang Dal and the RSS may be grouped under this category. In order to achieve their objective, the conservativbes have adopted three courses of action since 1987. First, They want to build a magnificient temple of Lord Ram at Ayodhya, which is his recognised birth place. The problem is that they want to build this temple by replacing a disputed structure, which the Muslims claim was a mosque erected by Babar. This structure had been locked up by a judicial order for five decades. Examined rationally, the issue is very small. The temple may b e built a few yards away or the Muslims might agree for a replacement. But a politically charged atmosphere has ensured that conservatives from both communities gather for a pitched and prolonged battle. Hindu conservatives won’t give up because they think that earlier pseudo-secular regimes have given enough concessions to appease a minority which does not deserve them. So this time they must give up. Muslim conservatives think that if they give up this time, more will follow. Second, they wish to impose a cultural code for Hindu behaviour. How Hindus, particularly women, should dress? Hindus should shun western festivals such as the Valentine’s Day. The Bajrang dal and the Shivasena are prepared to obstruct VD celebrations physically. They have been smashing show windows displaying Valentine’s Day material. This is coupled with an aggressive promotion of Hindu rituals and festivals such as the Kumbh. Thirdly, Hindu conservatives want to promote a nationalist economic policy. This includes restrictions on the import of foreign consumer goods and corespondign concessions to Indian industry. The closer they are to political power, the better this agenda will be implemented. So far this trend is under control. Hoever, the liberals must get together and prevent Hindu conservatism from developing into a form of fanaticism. Like the one being implemented by the Taleban in Afghanistan and Islamic fundamentalists elsewhere. It would be very sad to witness a Hindu vice and virtue police from marching across the streets of India imposing a completely distorted version of Hindu religious texts and blocking out any liberal opinion by force.