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MarketVVizard's Market Thoughts
This archived discussion is "read only". « Previous 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 Next » » Jen_ - Re: Barron's Round Table - Pt I .In response to message posted by Austrian: Austrian - thanks for highlighting the important stuff - and for your added commentary. That's the idea of my posting the Barron's round table even though it's always soooo long. In years past I would try to bold the names, add spacing, and highlight important stuff, but it took way too much time....Jen -- posted by Jen_ » MarketVVizard - Burgers or beans? purchasing-power parity [Thanks for posting the Roundtable Jen]______________________________________________ Starbucks index Burgers or beans? Jan 15th 2004 From The Economist A new theory is percolating through the foreign-exchange markets STARBUCKS was due to open its first coffee shop in France on January 16th-a brave step, given that Paris invented café culture. Some of the French press are frothing at the mouth at the notion that Americans think they can make coffee. Jean-Paul Sartre, they scoff, would hardly have found the same inspiration slurping from a paper cup as sipping black coffee in Les Deux Magots. The Economist, however, has been pondering a more existential idea: what can the price of Starbucks coffee-now served in as many as 32 countries-tell us about exchange rates? Readers may be familiar with The Economist's long-running Big Mac index: by comparing burger prices around the world, it offers a light-hearted guide to whether currencies are at their "correct" level against the dollar. Given the dollar's recent plunge against the euro and growing complaints that China is unfairly holding down its currency, we cannot resist testing whether a Starbucks "tall latte index" reaches the same conclusions as our Big Mac index. Both are based on the theory of purchasing-power parity (PPP). This says that, in the long run, exchange rates should move towards levels that equalise the prices of a basket of goods and services in different countries-ie, a dollar should buy the same everywhere. By coincidence, the average price of a Starbucks tall latte in America is the same as the average price of a Big Mac, $2.80. By dividing the local currency price in each country by the dollar price we can calculate dollar PPPs. Comparing these with actual exchange rates is one test of whether a currency is undervalued or overvalued. Our tall-latte index tells broadly the same story as the Big Mac index for most main currencies (see table; see article). Economic trouble is surely brewing in Europe: the euro (based on the average price of $2.93-$3.70-in member countries where Starbucks operates) is about 30% overvalued against the dollar. Sterling is 17% too strong. By both measures, the Swiss franc is the world's most overvalued currency. The Canadian, Australian and New Zealand dollars are still undervalued against the dollar despite their recent climb. Where the two measures differ is in Asia. The burger index says the yen is 12% undervalued against the dollar; on the coffee standard, however, it is 13% overvalued. More startling is the Chinese yuan: it is 56% undervalued according to the Big Mac, but spot on its dollar PPP according to our Starbucks index. If so, American manufacturers have no grounds to complain about the yuan. The pricing differences probably reflect different competition in the markets for the two products. Many readers will find burgernomics and lattenomics hard to swallow. Both are flawed as measures of PPP, because they are distorted by differences in the cost of non-tradables such as rents. Yet they are surely a more fun way to understand exchange rates than textbooks. Many readers ask why we don't we use the price of The Economist around the globe. Unlike the Big Mac or a tall latte, The Economist is not produced locally in lots of countries, so distribution accounts for a large chunk of its cost. Burgers and coffee are therefore likelier to give some clues about currencies. ----------------------------------------------------- The Big Mac index Jan 15th 2004 From The Economist print edition The Economist's Big Mac index is based on the theory of "purchasing- power parity". Under PPP, exchange rates should adjust to equalise the prices of a basket of goods and services across countries. Our basket is the Big Mac. For example, the cheapest burger is in China, at $1.23, compared with an average American price of $2.80. This implies the yuan is 56% undervalued. Relative to its Big Mac PPP the euro is 24% overvalued against the dollar. In contrast, the yen is 12% undervalued. -- posted by MarketVVizard » Austrian - Paul O'Neill's Book Interesting commentary regarding Paul O'Neill's book. My initial impressions were Mr. O'Neill had an ax to grind, did not like being pushed out, and his ego led him down a vindictive path. Having said all that, can something be learned from his tome? The book probably offers insights into the dynamics of the W administration and it's thought process. This insider’s view should make it easier to understand how Govt policy will be shaped under a second term, leading to investment ideas. The insights on Greenspan may alone make it worth the read.Regards, -- Austrian
For Paul O'Neill, It's Always About the Truth: Caroline Baum It's not exactly the kind of impact he had hoped for when he signed on as the Bush administration's first Treasury secretary. Instead of being remembered for his role in shaping U.S. economic policy -- goals such as reforming the tax code and privatizing Social Security -- O'Neill is making headlines for his disparaging remarks about President George W. Bush and his inner circle as chronicled in Ron Suskind's new book, ``The Price of Loyalty.'' O'Neill, the main source for the book, describes the president as disengaged (``a blind man in a room full of deaf people''), the policy process as broken (``no policy apparatus to assess policy and deliberate effectively'') and policy decisions as divorced from analytical rigor (``efforts to collect evidence and construct smart policy are ... co-opted by the White House political team, or the vice president''). For the former chief executive of Alcoa Inc., who is the kind of guy who makes the trains run on time -- O'Neill saw that 91.6 million tax-rebate checks were printed and mailed seven weeks after Bush signed the tax bill, not the three months the tax experts said it would take -- this was heresy. Never one to hide his feelings or soft-pedal his views, this veteran of the Nixon and Ford administrations and adviser to President George H.W. Bush was sacked in December 2002 for insubordination: for opposing the third Bush tax cut. Suicide Pact O'Neill's old friend and partner in crime throughout the book is none other than Alan Greenspan, chairman of the Federal Reserve. The two colleagues from the Ford administration are soul mates, budget hawks and ``intellectual pragmatists.'' They make a ``secret pact'' during the tax-cut debate to promote the idea of triggers should the fiscal surpluses evaporate. (Greenspan doesn't just advise Congress on fiscal policy, he shapes it behind the scenes.) The two data-driven colleagues meet regularly for breakfast to dig through the numbers and indulge in the kind of analytical give-and-take Suskind and O'Neill claim is missing in the Bush White House. The book recounts a meeting where O'Neill and Greenspan, delving into the mechanics of Social Security privatization, delight in the fact that their respective research staffs have come up with the same cutoff age for moving workers into a new system where they can save for their own retirement. ```I got a cutoff age of 37,' O'Neill said. ``Greenspan laughed. `Me too.''' Truths Self Evident The transition cost of fully funding everyone over age 37 in the current system is estimated at $1 trillion. Both O'Neill and Greenspan would have preferred the surpluses be used to address the future strains on the retirement system rather than to cut taxes. In his 23 months at the Treasury, a plum cabinet appointment, O'Neill was viewed as a loose cannon for speaking his mind -- bluntly, at all times. He suggested that the value of the dollar is set in the foreign-exchange market, not by official government policy. He called Congress's deliberations over a $100 billion stimulus plan in October 2001 ``show business.'' He argued that imposing steel tariffs was bad policy. He went to Africa with rock star activist Bono and came back convinced U.S. aid could produce measurable results in poor nations, such as digging wells to provide potable water. In all these cases, O'Neill was speaking the truth. You can call him naive for failing to understand the power of his words and position, but you can't accuse him of dishonesty. Straight Shooter That's why the common criticism of the book as a case of sour grapes, or revenge, on the part of a disgruntled government official doesn't ring true. Even O'Neill's detractors concede he's a man of integrity, a man who speaks his mind even if what comes out is clumsy at times or politically incorrect. After seeking and speaking the truth his whole life, is it likely that at age 68 O'Neill would default to fabrication? O'Neill never misrepresented himself -- his views or his M.O. -- when he was offered the job as Treasury secretary. ``I've been the boss for thirteen years,'' O'Neill told Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney. ``I like to come up with my own data and my own decisions. ... I like to say what I think, especially on subjects I've spent a few decades thinking through. In Washington these days, that might make me a dangerous man.'' Bush and Cheney laughed, according to Suskind, before assuring O'Neill that he was their man. At least until his brand of truth became a liability two years later. Backpedaling The same shoot-from-the-hip style that got O'Neill into trouble in Washington has already caught up with him on the book- promotion circuit. One week after the book's publication, O'Neill told the ``Today'' show's Katie Couric that if he could take back the ``vivid language'' he used to describe the president, he would. ``The Price of Loyalty'' has its share of inconsistencies, which may have been overlooked in the rush to publication. For example, on Jan. 30, 2001, 10 days after Bush took office, the president met with his National Security Council, of which O'Neill was a member, for the first time. On page 73, Suskind writes: ``The President said little. He just nodded, with the same flat, unquestioning demeanor that O'Neill was familiar with.'' Familiar with? O'Neill had just met him. He'd been recommended for the Treasury post by his old friend Cheney. He had met the president briefly only once, in 1996, prior to being summoned to Washington in January 2001. Capital Crime Then there's the quote attributed to Greenspan at a Feb. 22, 2002, meeting of the president's working group on corporate governance convened following revelations of accounting irregularities at Enron, Global Crossing and Tyco, among others. Dismayed at the lack of outrage from the other members, Greenspan ``clapped his hand on the table and raised his voice. `There's been too much gaming of the system until it is broke. Capitalism is not working!''' Can anyone imagine Greenspan, the Ayn Rand acolyte, uttering such a statement? Reading the book, I kept asking myself why O'Neill would do it. Why would he provide 19,000 documents to Suskind and devote countless hours to sharing his recollections with the author? He doesn't need the money. He doesn't want the publicity. And he doesn't particularly care what people think of him. His cooperation could only damage his dignity. (O'Neill didn't return my calls, so I can only speculate.) O'Neill seemed genuinely surprised (a hopeless naif?) when Lesley Stahl of ``60 Minutes'' told him his portrayal of the president in the book was unflattering. She asked if he was prepared for an attack by the administration. ``I can't imagine that I'm going to be attacked for telling the truth,'' O'Neill said. ``Why would I be attacked for telling the truth?'' -- posted by Austrian » MarketVVizard - Re: Paul O'Neill's Book Aw man Austrian, I was restraining myself all this time, and there you go busting open the floodgates! I guess I'm glad I can finally vent on the O'Neill storyFrom the WSJ The Virtue of Loyalty Wednesday, January 14, 2004 12:01 a.m. EST Politics can be a rough sport. Paul O'Neill's departure after two years as Treasury secretary was not handled well. His bitterness, some would say, is quite understandable. But bitterness is a bad basis for objectivity, and any of Mr. O'Neill's reported views regarding President Bush and the conduct of economic policy do not comport with my recollection or with the public record. In fact, the president is what he claims to be--a compassionate conservative--and one with a grasp of how the world really works. I first got to know President Bush in late 1997, when a mutual friend suggested we should meet. We had a series of meetings, each lasting several hours, during 1998 in the governor's mansion in Austin. The discussions were detailed and he was constantly asking penetrating questions, and telling me to "Say it in English" when my explanations were too wonky to be clear. We shared a concern about the bubble that was developing in the financial markets. His concerns were not just theoretical. As a businessman, he'd suffered through the 1980s energy bubble in Texas and its collapse. Mr. Bush expressed particular concern at the human cost of the downturn, remembering families in Midland who lost their homes. This view that a bursting bubble was both an economic and human calamity shaped the Bush economic program both during the campaign and after his election. On Dec. 1, 1999, the president unveiled his tax cut, saying that the economy might need an "insurance policy," and adding that "a president should hope for the best and prepare for the worst." This led to a very orthodox approach to handling economic weakness. On the human side, the tax cut was disproportionately focused on middle-class families with children. The president overrode the recommendations of many of his advisers by explicitly eliminating the taxes paid by single parents supporting children on modest incomes. Being a single mom with kids, he explained, was the toughest job in America. On Jan. 3, 2001, 2 1/2 weeks before taking office, the president held an economic summit in Austin. Businesspeople and others active in the economy came to give their candid and private views on the state of the economy. Although the official data at the time suggested all was well, these people said that the economy was sliding rapidly. This galvanized the president into pushing for rapid enactment of the "insurance policy" he had campaigned on. Interestingly, the Federal Reserve had reached the same conclusion, making the first of what turned out to be 13 cuts in the federal-funds rate, on the very same day. Mr. O'Neill joined the administration in late January, without the benefit of this background. Convinced by his own judgment and by the official data that had been released during 2000 suggesting that the economy was doing fine, he sought to minimize the potential size of the tax cut. We now know, but did not know then, that the economy had started its decline in the quarter before the election. One of Mr. O'Neill's suggestions was to have the tax cut trigger off if the government ran a deficit. The view had two problems--one process, one policy. Upon taking office, the role of the so-called policy shop in the White House is to implement the program on which the president campaigned and was elected. In all three administrations in which I served, a record was kept of these commitments that may seem inflexible to some. But it is the best method I know of to ensure democratic accountability for those who staff a new administration. While flexibility develops over time as circumstances change, Mr. O'Neill was advancing an idea that had been rejected in the campaign at a time when the governing process is most focused on carrying out the will of the electorate. Of even more concern to me was the policy implication of the O'Neill proposal. The tax cut was there to cushion the economic downturn resulting from the bubble's collapse. Mr. O'Neill's plan meant that if the downturn was so severe as to cause revenues to collapse, the tax cut would have to be cancelled just at the time the economy needed it the most! More generally, the policy-making process can be a frustrating one, and Mr. O'Neill certainly experienced that. Many issues arise that do not fit neatly into a single cabinet department's jurisdiction. For example, a trade issue such as steel tariffs affects the Commerce Department and U.S. Trade Representative most directly. But the Labor Department can be involved if firms might fail and their pension plans might be taken over by the government. The Office of Management and Budget can be involved because of budget effects, and the Treasury and the Council of Economic Advisers because of the economic impact. The White House policy staff organizes these disparate agencies on an issue-by-issue basis, trying to discover and stop unintended consequences from a policy action that a single agency may have overlooked. From time to time, this interagency process looks like a "power grab" to a cabinet officer who sees an issue as being part of his "turf." When disagreements can't be resolved by the policy officials, the buck stops with the president, who makes the final call. Though it can be messy and time-consuming, the country is better served if all angles on a given decision are thoroughly vetted before it is implemented. In two decades of being involved in this process, I've never known anyone who thought they "won" on all the issues they should have. Two of Mr. O'Neill's most troubling assertions about the decision-making process--that the president is not engaged, and that he (Mr. O'Neill) was shut out of the process--are simply false. Every night, the president goes home with a two-inch binder known as the Briefing Book. It contains the background material for each of the president's numerous meetings the next day. Having been grilled on the details in those briefing memos, I can personally attest that Mr. Bush does his homework. Woe is any official who is not prepared, because the president will be. I imagine the case method Mr. Bush learned at Harvard Business School was good preparation. Each page of that Briefing Book must be cleared through a complex process run by the staff secretary. The White House policy councils must assure the staff secretary that the views of the relevant agencies are accurately portrayed. And since Treasury officials are regularly included in the meetings with the president, they have their own check. If Mr. O'Neill felt that material got to the president that blindsided him, he should have inquired within his own department. It is in the area of tax policy that Mr. O'Neill seems most aggrieved, both about policy and process. Although he had been ebullient about the economy during much of 2001, 9/11 convinced Mr. O'Neill that business confidence needed a boost. He suggested a 15-point rate cut in the corporation income tax rate for two years. We took the idea directly to the president. But it was a nonstarter--it just did not comport with the president's view of helping the economy by helping working families directly. This was a policy decision, not a process failure. During 2002, it became clear that although the first round of tax cuts had ended the recession, the lingering effects of 9/11 and the bubble's burst were still weighing down the economy. Mr. O'Neill favored focusing resources on two big long-term reforms: a complete privatization of Social Security and the abolition of the corporation income tax. Both ideas were examined in detail. Instead, the president opted to propose an acceleration of the tax cuts, which were being phased in over several years. Passed in April, these tax cuts were instrumental in jump-starting the economy in the third quarter of 2003. The economy will continue growing in 2004 on the back of sound policy. To some, including Mr. O'Neill, those tax cuts were a mistake because they did not make fundamental structural changes. The president instead opted to make modest positive structural improvements while putting money in people's pockets and sustaining economic growth in the near term. But more important, these could be enacted in a timely manner. A look around the world shows that the president was right. The experience of Japan, which has struggled for a decade trying to make structural changes, is instructive. Its economy has stagnated because the political process has neglected achievable reforms that would also help sustain growth while bigger changes occurred. The obsession of Europe with deficits is also instructive. Needed tax reductions and structural reforms were neglected because of short-term revenue effects. European deficits are high and rising due to economic stagnation, while unemployment is in double digits. America is widely hailed as the world's growth engine because we followed the right policies. That is why the claim that the president's tax cut was supply-side ideology is so misplaced. The tax cuts met a demand-side need while advancing sensible improvements on the supply side. Radical supply-side ideas like abolishing the corporate income tax were vetted by the policy process and rejected. The process worked as it should, considering a full range of options and then selecting the most feasible. In spite of our policy differences, Mr. O'Neill and I always got along on a personal basis. He is a smart, well-intentioned man with a long and distinguished career. He thinks big thoughts, and his efforts to combat AIDS and bring potable water to the people of Africa speak to a big heart. The month before he left office, he took considerable personal risk by flying to Afghanistan to advance America's war on terrorism. He, like others who leave private life at the peak of their careers, make a real sacrifice. So, the circumstances of his departure were regrettable. But so too was his decision to make this book, "The Price of Loyalty," the capstone of his career. The book does a grave injustice to the president, to the truth, and to Mr. O'Neill himself. Mr. Lindsey is a former director of the National Economic Council. ____________________________________________________ From Press Whines, ‘Bush Doesn’t Coddle Us’ Coincidence that Rather and Jennings aren't reporting the truth about the O'Neill story? Paul O’Neill Backpedals, But CBS and ABC Pretend He Didn’t Tuesday morning on NBC’s Today, former Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill backtracked from some of his more incendiary, widely-quoted comments as recited by former Wall Street Journal reporter Ron Suskind in a new book out this week. But while the NBC Nightly News, as well as CNN and FNC picked up on O’Neill’s backpedaling, neither ABC or CBS did so on Tuesday night. During the Today interview with Katie Couric, O’Neill noted how "people are trying to make a case that I said the President was planning war in Iraq early in the administration," but argued that was simply "a continuation of work that had been going on in the Clinton administration with a notion that there needed to be regime change in Iraq." Picking up on how O’Neill said he didn’t see any evidence on WMD in Iraq, Couric contended: "An intelligent person would draw the conclusion that those charges were being trumped up by the administration as a rationale for the invasion." O’Neill countered: "No, that’s not what I’ve said." As for denigrating Bush as a "blind man in a room full of deaf people," backtracked: "I used some vivid language that if I could take it back, I’d take that back." And, despite it all, O’Neill maintained that he expects to vote for Bush this fall. (See item #2 below for the full quotes from O’Neill.) Tuesday’s NBC Nightly News reflected O’Neill’s tone as anchor Tom Brokaw referred to how on Today he had "tempered his remarks" before David Gregory noted how he "appeared to backpedal." Gregory ran through O’Neill’s Today comments on how there was nothing wrong with planning for contingencies on Iraq, he wishes he hadn’t given Suskind the "blind man" remark and plans to vote for Bush. FNC’s Bret Baier related the same backtracking and, on CNN’s NewsNight, John King relayed all but how O’Neill would vote for Bush. But while CNN’s King highlighted how former Joint Chiefs Chairman Hugh Shelton saw no difference in how the Bush team approached Iraq than did the Clinton administration, "as others in those early national security meetings took issue with suggestions Mr. Bush was predisposed to war," ABC’s Peter Jennings ignored what O’Neill said on Today and cited how an "official in the meetings," whom Jennings did not identify, "confirmed Mr. O’Neill’s account" of how "it was clear in meetings from the time Mr. Bush got to the White House that 'getting Saddam,’ as he put it, was the administration’s focus." King reported on Tuesday’s NewsNight: "O'Neill's softer tone came as others in those early national security meetings took issue with suggestions Mr. Bush was predisposed to war. Retired Army General Hugh Shelton, the military's top officer at the time, tells CNN he 'saw nothing in the first six months of the Bush administration that would lead me to believe we were any closer to attacking Iraq than we had been in the previous administration.’" ABC’s World News Tonight held its O’Neill update to this item read by Peter Jennings: "In Washington today, the debate continued about when President Bush decided to go into Iraq. His former Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill says in a book that it was clear in meetings from the time Mr. Bush got to the White House that 'getting Saddam,’ as he put it, was the administration’s focus. The Defense Secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, said today he didn’t know what meetings Mr. O’Neill could have been in, but another official in the meetings confirmed Mr. O’Neill’s account. The President, this official told ABC’s John Cochran, ordered the Pentagon to explore the possibility of a ground invasion well before the U.S. was attacked on 9/11." On Monday night’s CBS Evening News, Bill Plante recounted how on 60 Minutes the night before O’Neill had charged "that the President was already planning to get rid of Saddam Hussein long before 9/11" and that O'Neill described "a White House in which politics was the driving force. He likened the President at Cabinet meets to a blind man in a room full of deaf people." But on Tuesday night, Plante ignored O’Neill’s backpedaling comments on the Today show, and instead, noting an investigation of whether O’Neill improperly released secret documents, asked: "Was this instant payback from the reputed masters of political hardball in the Bush administration?" John Roberts set up the January 13 CBS Evening News story, as taken down by MRC analyst Brad Wilmouth: "More fallout today from Sunday's 60 Minutes interview with a former member of the Bush Cabinet faced now with a possible government inquiry. Paul O'Neill denied revealing classified material in the interview and in a book critical of the Bush White House. Bill Plante has more from Monterrey, Mexico, where the President attended a trade summit today." Plante began: "Former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill criticizes President Bush's policies and leadership style on 60 Minutes. And one day later, the Treasury Department says it's looking into O'Neil's actions because 60 Minutes showed this document marked 'Secret' which O'Neill had supplied. Was this instant payback from the reputed masters of political hardball in the Bush administration? O'Neill said today that he got the documents from the Treasury Department's own lawyer." O'Neill on Today: "Under the law, he's not supposed to send me anything that isn't unclassified." Plante: "Treasury sources say Department lawyers simply asked for an inquiry, not an investigation, after seeing the document on TV, and only informed the White House after the fact. They say it wasn't payback, and O'Neill today agreed." O'Neill: "I don't think so. As I said, if I were Secretary of the Treasury, and these circumstances occurred, I would have asked the Inspector General to take a look at this." Plante: "But it's no surprise that some suspect payback. This White House has a reputation for getting even with those who cross it. Former diplomat Joseph Wilson, whose wife's CIA cover was blown to a reporter after he questioned the President's State of the Union claim that Iraq was attempting to buy uranium. Former Budget Director Larry Lindsey, who dared guess in advance that the Iraq war would be very costly -- publicly rebuffed, then fired. And with O'Neill already long gone, policy analyst Paul Light says this time the White House is clearly sending a message." Paul Light, New York University: "This particular investigation is clearly designed to send a signal to anybody else who talks with the press that they're up for the fight of their lives if they do so." Plante concluded: "It's always been the policy of this White House to let no slight go unanswered and no criticism unchallenged. The message, this president demands total loyalty -- and when he doesn't get it, there's a price to be paid. Bill Plante, CBS News, with the President in Monterrey, Mexico." Keith Olbermann, on MSNBC’s Countdown, noted the backpedal, but focused his wrath on speed of the probe of O’Neill for possibly releasing secret documents compared to the slowness of the look into the Joe Wilson matter Olbermann set up a Tuesday night segment with far-left New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, as caught by the MRC’s Brad Wilmouth: "More on the backpedal in a moment. First, if the rapidity with which the Treasury Department opened its investigation of O'Neill strikes you as contrasting with the measured pace the Justice Department used in opening its investigation of the leak about the CIA status of Ambassador Joe Wilson's wife, you are not alone. Columnist Paul Krugman noted the same thing today in his column in the New York Times, and he joins us now." Olbermann proposed: "You observed today that thus far, administration officials have attacked Mr. O'Neill's character but haven't refuted any of his facts. Do you suppose that explains the same-day service on investigating what he did or did not do wrong?" Krugman: "Well, I'm not sure what it is exactly that they're, they're, whether it's the absence of a fact challenge. I'm not amazed. I think just on political grounds this was stupid. There's no possible way that they can improve their case by going after him on this, but it is kind of amazing, right? In what conceivable way did flashing a, the cover page of a secret document on TV endanger national security? There's something very wrong with these people." Olbermann: "Certainly, Mr. O'Neill has now distanced himself, almost as quickly as the investigation started, from these headlines that the war in Iraq was essentially planned before Mr. Bush's inaugural address was over. Did he back away? Was he pushed or did the media just blow the original story out of proportion?" Krugman: "Some of all of those. I mean, the story was not actually as clear-cut. I mean, it, even at the, I think that CBS picked the wrong thing. It's actually, the book is a damning indictment of the administration. But it's primarily about the dominance of politics over substantive policy, and there are a lot of places where he basically calls people liars, but he did not, the business about Iraq was more of an atmosphere thing than it is a specific charge that they were concocting the war as of January 2001." Olbermann prompted Krugman to expand his attack: "So in focusing on that headline about Iraq, you think that the rest of us have essentially missed the thrust of the book and the focus of the criticism of the administration?" Krugman: "Yeah, I mean there are killer quotes in there. There is Dick Cheney at the very same time that he's in public saying, 'I am a deficit hawk,' saying in private, 'Deficits don't matter.' There is George Bush saying in public that the vast majority of my tax cuts go to the bottom end of the spectrum and in private worrying in front of his advisors that, 'We've given everything to rich people, shouldn't we do something for the middle?' So those are the things that really should have been focused on, and Iraq, that the story about Iraq is, in the book, is that Iraq was top of the agenda in the very first meeting of the National Security Council under Bush, that Donald Rumsfeld is talking about the wonderful things that regime change in Iraq will do, and not at all about the threat that Iraq poses right from the beginning. That's where you should be going, not with this sort of gotcha stuff." ______________________________________________________ But nearly five years later, in introducing a segment with Paul O’Neill, Couric wasn’t upset that O’Neill issued his charges in an election year as she recalled how "President Bush once praised Secretary O’Neill for his candor. He was called a straight shooter," but "today O’Neill is under investigation for a tell-all book that raises serious questions about the Bush administration." Couric plugged the interview: "Does Mr. O’Neill think the administration’s threat of investigation is payback for his so-called honesty? We’ll talk about that and some other things." And setting up her session with the author of the book which features O’Neill’s claims, Ron Suskind, Couric gushed about how O’Neill "had an unbelievable amount of documentation to back up some of his claims. He took copious notes, journal entries of almost every single meeting he had." Couric didn’t question the appropriateness of the book, as she prompted Suskind to expound on "the bombshells here." Tim Graham, the MRC’s Director of Media Analysis, recalled how Couric treated Stephanopoulos and saw the contrast. # Couric on March 12, 1999, the Friday morning in which she interviewed Stephanopoulos about his book, All Too Human. She announced at the top of the broadcast: "Good morning. He was once one of the President's most trusted aides, but his new book about his years on the inside has many wondering whether he's a traitor or man of integrity." Couric’s first three questions to Stephanopoulos during the 7:30am half hour: -- "A lot of people, George, think that this is just kinda creepy, that you've done this. They see you as a turncoat, a Linda Tripp type, if you will, who sort of ingratiated himself with the people inside the White House. They made you who you became and now all of a sudden, you're telling, you're airing all the dirty laundry and some people just think that's sorta gross." -- "But aren't some situations off limits? I mean you talk very candidly about the President's relationship with Mrs. Clinton. You had entree to situations that most people wouldn't. I mean you were sitting there -- or standing there -- once when the President was in his boxer shorts and Hillary came in and they kissed and you witnessed conversations. It seems to me that, I mean is nothing sacred?" -- "Why now George? Couldn’t this have waited until the President was out of office?" For more on this Today and how the networks treated Stephanopoulos in 1999, see these three CyberAlerts: www.mrc.org And: www.mrc.org As well as: www.mrc.org # Couric, January 12, 2004, the morning she interviewed former Wall Street Journal reporter Ron Suskind about his book, The Price of Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House and the Education of Paul O'Neill. Couric’s questions reflected little doubt about the appropriateness or accuracy of Suskind’s claims as she simply sought to draw him out: -- "How did this book, Ron, come about in the first place?" "He had an unbelievable amount of documentation to back up some of his claims. He took copious notes, journal entries of almost every single meeting he had, correct?" -- "Who else did you talk to for this book, a number of other White House officials and employees?" -- "Did they give the same kind of impressions and portrayal of President Bush as Mr. O'Neill has?" -- "What in your view are the bombshells here? I mean we've heard splatterings throughout the weekend that President Bush has been off-quoted like a blind man in a room full of deaf people. Tell me, if you had to say in a nutshell how President Bush is portrayed in this book, what would you say?" -- "Well, perhaps he was a good listener as some might say." -- "And there was apparently, according to your book, no debate in the White House, or no debate on any clear issues. It was all based on ideology or sort of political expediency." -- "Do you think that possibly Mr. O'Neill is naive or even arrogant as some have suggested? And I know that he served in the White House under the Ford and Nixon administrations but perhaps he didn't, wasn't ready for the rough and tumble world of politics as it exists today?" -- "Two key areas, Ron, weapons of mass destruction, Saddam Hussein. You contend as Paul O'Neill contends that from day one, actually ten days after the inauguration Saddam Hussein was pretty much public enemy number one, prior to September 11th. Why? You talk about this being at the top of the agenda, but what was the motivation for it according to the Bush administration or Paul O'Neill's interpretation?" -- "A top administration official says in Time magazine this week, that information was on a need to know basis. He wouldn't have been in a position to see it." # Couric, January 13, 2004, setting up a session with O’Neill during the 7:30am half hour, the same time slot she spent with Stephanopoulos. MRC analyst Brian Boyd took down how, over video from 2001, Couric announced: "That is Paul O’Neill being sworn in as Secretary of the Treasury just about two years ago, January 30th of 2001. President Bush once praised Secretary O’Neill for his candor. He was called a straight shooter. Today O’Neill is under investigation for a tell-all book that raises serious questions about the Bush administration." Couric added: "Coming up we’re going to be talking with Paul O’Neill and the author of the book that has caused so much controversy, Ron Suskind. Does Mr. O’Neill think the administration’s threat of investigation is payback for his so-called honesty? We’ll talk about that and some other things." Couric’s questions to O’Neill initially focused on the investigation of whether he released secret documents and then she moved on to drawing him out with no substantive challenge to the accuracy, timing or appropriateness of his claims. Also below, O’Neill’s backpedaling answers which were highlighted in today’s CyberAlert item #1 above: -- "Secretary O’Neill and Ron Suskind, good morning. Nice to have you both. Alright, let me ask you about the news of the morning. What do you think about this investigation being launched by the Department of Treasury that somehow you took classified documents and they were used in fact in the writing of this book?" -- "So perhaps he’s [general counsel] the one who should be investigated?" -- Couric: "The White House has said it would be irresponsible not to investigate this properly." O’Neill: "If I were Secretary of the Treasury, I would have done the same." Couric: "Is this payback? They insist it’s not but do you think in a way it is?" O’Neill: "I don’t think so....And another thing, today the book is going to be available and this red meat frenzy that’s occurred when people didn’t have anything except snippets. As an example, you know people are trying to make a case that I said the President was planning war in Iraq early in the administration. Actually there was a continuation of work that had been going on in the Clinton administration with a notion that there needed to be regime change in Iraq-" Couric: "So you see nothing wrong with that being at the top of the President’s agenda ten days after the inauguration?" O’Neill: "One of the candidates has said this confirms his worst suspicions. I’m amazed that anyone would think that our government on a continuing basis, across a political administrations doesn’t do contingency planning and look at circumstances. Saddam Hussein has been there forever. And so I was surprised, as I’ve said in the book, that Iraq was given such a high priority but I was not surprised that we were doing a continuation of planning that had been going on and continuing, looking at contingency options during the Clinton administration." -- Couric: "At the same time though, Mr. O’Neill, you do talk about the fact that you were in National Security Council meetings for 23 months, you saw a variety of documents and no where did you ever see evidence-" O’Neill: "I think saw everything, unless something was withheld from me that I didn’t know about." Couric: "Well, we’ll get to that in a moment. But you say nowhere did you ever see evidence that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. Well, an intelligent person would draw the conclusion that those charges were being trumped up by the administration as a rationale for the invasion." O’Neill: "No, that’s not what I’ve said. I have a very high standard for what represents evidence. If you told me that you put your hands on weapons of mass destruction, I’d probably believe you because you’re a public person. If someone that I believed in told me they’d actually seen it, that’s evidence for me. But it’s possible and certainly there were lots of inferences and circumstantial things that the National Security assessments pulled together in looking at this question of weapons of mass destruction, I’m not denying or game-saying that fact that one could make a case, what I’ve said is I never saw anything that I considered to be concrete evidence of weapons of mass destruction. And I think the fact that we haven’t found them makes the point. That also doesn’t make a point that we shouldn’t have gotten rid of Saddam Hussein. I’m not making that case. I’m making a really clear case that I know the difference between evidence and what is allusion and assertion and the rest. That’s my point." Couric: "Well do you think an invasion of a country should be based on allusion and assertion?" O’Neill: "Well, I think, I think one has to look very hard at the apparatus we have of the national intelligence assessments and it’s why we have presidents. At the end of the day, there’s one person who gets to decide. It’s what he considers to be convincing proof, a basis for going to war. And we elected George Bush and he decided it was good enough." -- Couric: "Well let’s talk about some of your assessment of the president and, I guess, his leadership style, for lack of a better term. You do describe him as disengaged. You do describe, I think if I can sort of try to assess your description as policy having no process. Kind of being put together willy-nilly. You do describe him as a blind man in a room full of deaf people. So what are you saying about the way policy is established in this White House?" O’Neill: "Well, I’d say several things in response to your question. One, in hundreds of hours of conversation with the author one, let me not put this off on general case, I used some vivid language that if I could take it back, I’d take that back. Because it’s become the controversial centerpiece and I’m afraid that it will cause people to have an impression without actually reading the book. I hope people will read the book. But having said that, I want to also say this, this is Ron Suskind’s book. This is not my book. I have no economic interest in it contrary to the inference in the Wall Street Journal this morning. I hope people will read it because I think it makes a contribution to illuminating especially for young people what I consider to be a bi-partisan, broken political process." Couric: "What’s broken about it?" O’Neill: "Well, this is a very long story. I’ll tell you what’s broken about it, Katie. The conversation we have, for example, about the need for fundamental reform of Social Security and our health and medical care system and our tax reform system, which is what I would have written about if this were my book. We probably would have sold 25 copies to my extended family because don’t seem to have the interest, television doesn’t seem to have the interest in drilling into really consequential issues with any depth...." -- Couric: "You do talk about some of the real philosophical differences you did have with this White House or at least some members of the White House vis-a-vi tax cuts." O’Neill: "I didn’t think the third tax cut was a good idea because I was pretty confident with over 40 years worth of experience and looking at the data that in the fourth quarter of 2003 the real growth rate would be 6 percent. It turned out to be 8.2 percent, I think the 2.2 percent came because of the third tax cut. But the price we’re going to pay for it is enormous because it reduces are fiscal flexibility to fix Social Security which we desperately need to do." -- "You talk about after the Republicans won big in the mid-term elections, winning back the U.S. Senate that you sensed a change at the White House, a certain smugness, a sureness. And you said you once again pointed out the danger of rising deficits to Vice President Dick Cheney. But he said 'Reagan proved deficits don’t matter. We won the mid-terms, this is our due.’ You profess shock at that statement and I’m not an economic expert but isn’t there a pretty significant school of economic thought, Keynesian, that deficits are not that damaging to the overall economy? I mean why did you consider this so blasphemes?" -- "Let me read the Wall Street Journal editorial, today. It says 'the non-Treasury Secretary, Mr. O’Neill cooperated fully with author Ron Suskind, a former Wall Street Journal reporter and well known Bush antagonist sharing recollections-" Suskind: "I disagree with that." Couric: "-and 19,000 documents as well as fact checking the final manuscript. After reading it we’re amazed he wasn’t fired sooner. Mr. Bush apparently thought he was getting a smart veteran of the Nixon and Ford administrations, a former CEO recommended by Dick Cheney and Alan Greenspan. The expectation was that Mr. O’Neill would be credible with business and politically astute. Instead he got a policy and political blunder-bus who must not have been paying attention during the 2000 election presidential campaign. Mr. O’Neill in the book reveals that he disagreed with much of the Bush agenda, especially with tax cuts. Three years later the record shows that Mr. Bush was right to ignore Mr. O’Neill’s counsel. The Bush tax cuts helped to make the recession one of the mildest on record despite the burst stock market bubble, corporate scandals, September 11, and war. And now the recovery is well underway with third quarter’s 8.2 percent growth rate, the fastest since 1984.’" -- "We’re almost out of time, this is television after all. But I was surprised and many other people were when you told Lesley Stahl on 60 Minutes, you didn’t think this was an unflattering portrayal of President Bush." O’Neill: "I hope people will read the book, they can draw their own conclusion. You know-" Couric: "But you insisted, you didn’t think you seemed befuddled and most people watching that thought 'are you out of your mind?’" O’Neill: "Well go read the book, you’ve read the book." Couric: "Yes." O’Neill: "Do you think it is personally critical of the President? It’s not my intention to be personally critical of the President or of anyone else, but to cooperate with Ron and try and depict what turned out to be a chronicle of 23 months at the top of the government." Couric: "Very quickly, will you vote for President Bush in November?" O’Neill: "Probably. I don’t see anybody that strikes me as better prepared and more capable. But I really do think we have a bi-partisan problem of a broken political process and I think the American people need to demand more of people who would be their leaders." -- posted by MarketVVizard » MarketVVizard - Re: Paul O'Neill's Book First I should note that I personally wouldn't care one bit IF Bush had been planning to invade Iraq before Sept 11. Saddam is a little Hitler (ask your liberal friends what weapons of mass destruction Hitler had?) guilty of ethnic cleansings and genocide. Many sources claim Saddam is responsible for the death of nearly 2 million people. We don't need to recap any of that. Any rational person should agree that Saddam should have been finished off years, if not decades, ago.Having said all that. I think THIS report is pretty funny: Laurie Mylroie sent out an email about Paul O'Neill's appearance on 60 Minutes last night; she notes what appears to be a major error in Ron Suskind's book, which casts doubt on the credibility of both Suskind and O'Neill. Here is the key portion of Mylroie's email: "In his appearance this evening on '60 Minutes,' Ron Suskind, author of The Price of Loyalty, based to a large extent on information from former Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill, made an astonishing, very serious misstatement. "Suskind claimed he has documents showing that preparations for the Iraq war were well underway before 9-11. He cited--and even showed--what he said was a Pentagon document, entitled, 'Foreign Suitors for Iraq Oilfield Contracts.' He claimed the document was about planning for post-war Iraq oil (CBS's promotional news story also contained that claim). "But that is not a Pentagon document. It's from the Vice-President's Office. It was part of the Energy Project that was the focus of Dick Cheney's attention before the 9/11 strikes. "And the document has nothing to do with post-war Iraq. It was part of a study of global oil supplies. Judicial Watch obtained it in a law suit and posted it, along with related documents, on its website at: http://www.judicialwatch.org/071703.c_.s... Indeed, when this story first broke yesterday, the Drudge Report had the Judicial Watch document linked (no one at CBS News saw that, so they could correct the error, when the show aired?)" What Mylroie says about the "Foreign Suitors" document is correct. The Judicial Watch link still works as of this morning, and as you can easily see, the document, dated March 5, 2001, has nothing to do with post-war planning. It is merely a list of existing and proposed "Iraqi Oil & Gas Projects" as of that date. And it includes projects in Iraq by countries that obviously would not have been part of any "post-war" plans of the Bush administration, such as, for example, Vietnam. So Suskind (and apparently O'Neill) misrepresented this document, which appears to be a significant part of their case, given that Suskind displayed in on 60 Minutes. It would not be possible for anyone operating in good faith to represent the document as Suskind did. But the truth is even worse than Mylroie pointed out in her email. The CBS promo linked to above says that this document "includes a map of potential areas for exploration. 'It talks about contractors around the world from, you know, 30-40 countries. And which ones have what intentions,' says Suskind. 'On oil in Iraq.'" True enough; there is a "map of potential areas for exploration" in Iraq here. But what Paul O'Neill and Ron Suskind don't tell you is that the very same set of documents that contain the Iraq map and the list of Iraqi oil projects contain the same maps and similar lists of projects for the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia! When documents are produced in litigation (in this case, the Judicial Watch lawsuit relating to Cheney's energy task force), they are numbered sequentially. The two-page "Iraqi Oil Suitors" document that Suskind breathlessly touts is numbered DOC044-0006 through DOC044-0007. The Iraq oil map comes right before the list of Iraqi projects; it is numbered DOC044-0005. DOC044-0001 is a map of oil fields in the United Arab Emirates. DOC044-0002 is a list of oil and gas development projects then going on in the United Arab Emirates. DOC044-0003 is a map of oil fields in Saudi Arabia. DOC044-0004 is a list of oil and gas projects in Saudi Arabia. So the "smoking gun" documents that Suskind and O'Neill claim prove that the administration was planning to invade Iraq in March 2001 are part of a package that includes identical documents relating to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Does Paul O'Neill claim the administration was planning on invading them, too? Or, as Mylroie says, was this merely part of the administration's analysis of sources of energy in the 21st century? There is only one possible conclusion: Paul O'Neill and Ron Suskind are attempting to perpetrate a massive hoax on the American people. UPDATE: Paul Krugman is ecstatic about O'Neill's allegations, and views them as vindicating his three years of over-the-top Bush hatred. Needless to say, Krugman has nothing to say about O'Neill's and Suskind's fraudulent misrepresentation of the documents on which their claims are based. The battle is joined: the New York Times propagates lies, the blogosphere points out undeniable facts that are inconvenient for the left. Spread the word. FURTHER UPDATE: Judicial Watch notes that these documents originated in the Commerce Department, not Vice-President Cheney's office, but were turned over to Judicial Watch in connection with that organization's lawsuit against Cheney relating to the Vice-President's energy task force. This, of course, has no bearing on the point we make about Suskind and O'Neill's fraudulent use of these documents, which relate generically to world energy supplies and had nothing to do with a purported plan to invade (or reconstruct) Iraq. Indeed, the documents' origin in the Commerce Department underlines the absurdity of Suskind's and CBS's claim that they demonstrate the existence of a scheme to invade Iraq. -- posted by MarketVVizard » MarketVVizard - Trades Due to put/call finally spiking and rising above 1 for the first time in a long time, I covered the QQQ short (tiny loss). Market still looks quite bearish to me though. Money pouring back into treasuries this morning. I still have the NVLS short / covered put trade on, and it is now nicely in the money. Up a few percent for the year, nothing to write home about. Still trying to figure out what I want to do with the bulk of my funds.-- posted by MarketVVizard » Jen_ - Re: Barron's Round Table - Pt 2 .above is Barron's Round Table Pt 1 and here is Pt 2 from 1/26 Barron's.... From TIPS to nail polish, four market seers share their best investments By LAUREN R. RUBLIN IN WASHINGTON, THEY get the State of the Union. But in New York on Jan. 12 we got the State of the World through the eyes of 11 of the planet's shrewdest investors. The members of our annual Roundtable opined in last week's Barron's on the big trends driving world economies, financial markets, interest rates, currencies and everything between. This week the foursome pictured nearby share their stock and bond recommendations for 2004. Oscar Schafer of New York's O.S.S. Capital never attends a Roundtable without a swell tie, a sly smile and a stack of notes on stocks that are primed for liftoff -- like last year's quartet, which returned an average 59%. This year Oscar shares his views on printing, medicine, music and gambling. Well, at least on stocks that relate to same. In 2003 your favorite financial newsweekly dubbed Pimco's Bill Gross the "king of bonds." This year, natch, we got the royal treatment -- penetrating insights, graciously delivered, on the unsettling outlook for bonds and the prospects for a clutch of funds that are likely to outshine them. We felt a twinge of guilt for luring Bill from the balmy Left Coast to the frigid Northeast. Happily, the feeling passed as soon as he started talking. Trust Marc Faber -- Swiss-born, Hong Kong-based, and straight off a plane from Argentina -- to give us the scoop on Asia and what its boom means for worlds old and new. Marc is fond of Thailand, gold and coffee -- by the warehouse. But he's fearful of bubbles brewing in China and in semiconductor stocks. This week's Roundtable installment, Part II of three, concludes with the words -- and act -- of Mario Gabelli. No one knows media better than Mario, and no one seems to enjoy the show more. Eclectic as always, his latest picks range from TV broadcasters to auto-parts makers, air conditioners and, ahem, nail polish. Then there's that skeleton he brought to the fest. Curious? Please read on. Oscar Schafer Barron's: Oscar, you had a splendid year. What have you got for us now? Q: Other than cost-cutting, how's the business? Q: Still, it's a tough industry. Oscar Schafer's Picks Company Ticker Price 1/9 Q: How much profit can the company make from selling songs off the 'Net versus selling CDs? Q: What does this mean for Noven? Q: How big could it be? Q: That sounds promising. What's next? Q: How did Mirage shareholders do? Q: What else has he found? Bill Gross Q: In that case, let's move on to Bill. Bill Gross' Picks Issue Ticker Price 1/9 Yield 1/9 Q: We take it TIPS have been a lousy investment for four or five years. Q: Enlighten them, please. Q: What is your trade? Q: Will you give the readers a refund if it doesn't work? Marc Faber Q: That's OK. Marc, you're on. Next, look at market capitalization. The whole of Asia is 12.5% of the Morgan Stanley Free World Index, while the U.S. is 53%. How much longer can the imbalance last? In five to 10 years, Asian markets will be worth about 30% of the world and the U.S. market 20%-25%. This can happen through a massive decline in either the U.S. stock market or the U.S. dollar. If we talk about value outperforming growth, you should invest in Asia and short the S&P 500. Last year Asia went up dramatically, and Asian markets could have some turbulence in the near term. The U.S. dollar could rebound for the next three months. Bonds could rebound, and stocks and commodities could disappoint. Long term, however, the size and growth of the Chinese economy and increased living standards will lead to higher purchases of commodities throughout Asia. Demand for oil in Asia could increase substantially, to 35 to 50 million barrels a day. Marc Faber's Picks… Company Ticker Price 1/9 *Futures contract Q: What is the outlook for other commodities? Q: A drop to $360 is a big move, considering gold is selling for $420 an ounce. Q: There is political risk in Indonesia and the Philippines. Q: How do you invest in real estate in India? Q: Where in Asia are there investment vehicles people can trade? Q: Do you have any other stocks? Q: You've just come from Argentina. How is Latin America? Q: Thanks for the update, Marc.
[As Marc winds up, Mario moves a large black plastic bag from a nearby counter to the table.] Q: Are you going to take that thing out of the bag? Q: So, how about some investment ideas? Mario Gabelli's Picks Company Ticker Price 1/9 Q: Suppose you don't want to glow. Q: Does the Dolan family finally want to sell? Q: We can't wait. Thank you, Mario. Subscribe to WSJ & Barron's Online @ http://www.wsj.com ....Jen -- posted by Jen_ » MarketVVizard - James Dines [Thanks again for posting the Baron's Roundtable by the way. I see Faber is shorting the home builders, bet that will be a good call, as well as his other picks].Any James Dines fans out there? I don't know anything about him but he was a guest on a radio show I listened to Friday evening. He was hyping his newsletter and stated that in the upcoming issue he would name some kind of top pick, a highly undervalued copper producer. He gave enough info for me to track down the name of this mystery company. It is Grupo Mexico SA de CV (GMBXF.PK). But its already up 50% this month and up 150% since a few months ago (he probably has a massive front running network for his newsletter). Anyway, maybe worth a speculative gamble for those that are so inclined. I don't trade low volume BB stocks (actually, I don't trade BB stocks at all). This company is the 3rd largest copper producer in the world, and 4th largest silver producer in the world. Lots of info can be found on their website: All the tiny speculative mining and commodity stocks have been going though the roof lately. Reminds me a lot of the internet days... hope it works out for those playing that game. I'll give them one thing, fundamentals look terrific in light of the inflationary environment we have seen in the last year. -- posted by MarketVVizard » Austrian - Re: James Dines In response to message posted by MarketVVizard:VViz, I am playing the market this way due to the fundamentals of gold, silver and natural gas (commodities in general but I am targeting the above). The fundamentals as I understand them is the price of the commodities were so low for so long real effective exploration was not a profitable venture, so with some small exceptions, no real exploration to production has occurred. The big mining companies managing themselves very effectively circled the wagons and did everything they could to survive very very low commodity prices. This means, they were correctly very conservative, but now are not leveraged to take advantage of the recent rise in prices. The juniors, the explorers, and yes even the wantabes are better positioned to find and develop new resources. The most logical outcome, provided they survive, is either to be bought out, or become a junior mining company. Either way, a major will be willing to pay very considerably for proven reserves. A total spend of $350 per oz of gold is not out of the question going forward. Juniors typically secure land rights and permits for around $20 per oz. So the rest is mining costs. If the find is rich enough, etc, and the junior's float is small enough, say less than 60 Million shares preferably smaller, the payoff could be gigantic. Simply listing on the AMEX and getting the price over $5/share makes it fair game for institutional investors. Another reason I am playing the Golden Bull in this way is I think the downside risk for any of these stocks in a bull market are minimal. A rising tide during a bull market lifts all boats. This is a bull market in commodities. Volatile enough to cause ulsers, but a bull non the less. If this doesn't work out, I've been eyeing a double wide in Arkansas... Regards, -- Austrian -- posted by Austrian » MarketVVizard - SOX and NVLS in particular are getting KILLED afterhours... I wish I was short a LOT more NVLS. This is really what I was expecting. Will be interesting to see what happens tomorrow especially in light of today's huge rally. Whoever was buying those thousands of puts a couple days ago is making an absolute killing (they will probably be investigated I'm sure, but a great trade nonetheless).____________________________________________________ (Recasts, adds outlook, CEO comments, updates stock) SAN FRANCISCO, Jan 26 (Reuters) - Novellus Systems Inc. (NasdaqNM:NVLS - News), a producer of microchip-making equipment, on Monday reported a higher quarterly profit as chip makers invested in new factories, but warned that conditions for business in the current quarter could become softer. Shares of Novellus stumbled as much as 7.6 percent in after-hours trading. San Jose, California-based Novellus said profit in the fourth quarter ended Dec. 31 jumped to $10.5 million, or 7 cents a share, from $3.0 million, or 2 cents, a year earlier. Sales rose 4 percent to $226.5 million from $217.6 million in the same period last year. For the current quarter, however, Novellus forecast a profit of 8 cents a share -- at the lower end of analyst expectations -- on revenue of $240 million to $250 million. Chief Executive Richard Hill told analysts in a conference call that customers in the past week have been "trying to be more conservative on capital expenditures, so we're taking a conservative approach on what orders would be during the first quarter." Also on Monday, Novellus named a former executive vice president of arch-rival Applied Materials Inc. (NasdaqNM:AMAT - News), Sasson Somekh, as its new president. Orders, an indicator of future revenue, were expected to grow to $305 million to $315 million, from $283 million in the fourth quarter. Investors, who have traded shares of chip-related stocks to higher and higher levels on expectations for a strong business turnaround, turned sour on Novellus shares after hours. The stock fell as low as $37.20 from a regular-trading close of $40.25. Analysts on average had expected earnings in the range of 7 cents to 15 cents a share in the first quarter, with an average estimate of 11 cent, according to a survey by Reuters Research, a unit of Reuters Group Plc. -- posted by MarketVVizard « Previous 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 Next » Please follow the guidelines set forth in the Suite101 Posting Etiquette when adding to the discussion. |
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