Yeltsin and Kiriyenko v. the Duma: Collision Course in Moscow


© Jeffrey Deutsch

To put it mildly, the fight between Yeltsin and the Duma seems to be coming to a head. On Fridays, April 10 and 17, the Duma rejected Sergei Kiriyenko, President Boris Yeltsin's choice for premier. Undaunted, Yeltsin immediately renominated Kiriyenko.

If the Duma rejects him again on April 24, new Duma elections will need to be called. Indeed, the Duma has asked the Constitutional Court to rule on the question of whether the president can even renominate someone for premier who has already been rejected by the Duma. In other words, Yeltsin interprets the rule to mean he can simply have the Duma consider someone for premier on up to three occasions before dissolving it - even if it is the same person. On the other hand, some deputies, especially the Communists, consider the president bound to accept as conclusive the Duma's rejection of a candidate, and thus interpret it to mean that rejection of three separate candidates will trigger new elections.

The Kremlin has tentatively indicated that new elections could be held on September 27 or October 11. That would give the Constitutional Court some time to consider the deputies' appeal before the elections (Judge Vladimir Strezokov was quoted as saying that it would take the Court at least two months to consider such an appeal), but certainly not before Russia is plunged into political crisis.

In particular, Communist Duma leader Gennady Zyuganov denounced Yeltsin for his stubbornness: "In 1991 he helped to ruin the country, in 1993 he drowned Moscow in blood, two years later he flooded Chechnya with blood, and now he again barges straight on, regardless of any obstacles."

His honesty regarding his views on Yeltsin's opposition to the August 1991 Communist hardliners' coup is refreshing. However, it would have been appreciated had he brought the news of any 1993 Moscow bloodbaths to our attention a bit sooner - all we've heard of was a standoff in which anti-reform Duma leaders barricaded themselves inside parliament. Certainly the Baltic nations appreciate the reaffirmation of the Russian Communists' regard for national minorities - but what occasion did they have to declare independence in 1991?

Neither side would like new elections. The Communists and nationalists (including but not limited to Vladimir Zhirinovsky's Liberal Democrats) would be expected to lose seats. This is bad both from the party leaders' point of view and, of course, those of the affected deputies. On the other hand, Yeltsin knows that there is a possibility that one or more parties hostile to him may actually gain seats.

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