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National Identity in Scotland and Ireland (Part Three)

© Simon Hill

Throughout the 19th century Scotland had been undergoing an unprecedented process of industrialisation and urbanisation, which drastically altered the social structure, and provided employment for many displaced people. This was not seen as an English imposition it was seen as improvement despite the social problems it caused. Part of the reason for the difference in attitude of the Scots and Irish in rural areas is that in Scotland these ‘improvements’ were carried out by virtually all landlords (mostly Scots). However in Ireland the landlord class was seen as an alien English imposition, often absentee, and with no interest in improving the land or cultivation techniques. Also Ireland never underwent the same level of urbanisation, industrialisation or even agrarian improvement as Scotland.

After the Jacobite uprisings of the eighteenth century Scotland seems to accept the union with England in return for the opportunities of the British Empire. In fact most Scots during this period as during no other seem proud to be British, perhaps only when it suits them. Christopher Harvie in his book Scotland and Nationalism suggests Scots have a dual nationality ‘a fruitful schizophrenia which enabled the Scots to run with the ethnic hare and hunt with the imperial hounds.’ (1). Due to the retention of a nationally distinct legal system, education system and church Scottish civil society was able to feel some form of national independence. Also the existence of national institutions such as the National Museum, the Royal Scottish Museum, the National Gallery, the Scottish National Portrait Gallery and the National Library of Scotland added to the illusion of an independent nation. ‘Edinburgh has the trappings of a national capital’ (2).

Scots were aware of their past and their status as an ancient nation many also seemed happy to be a part, as long as it was an integral part, of the British Empire and saw it as a way to spread the Presbyterian religion across the world. There was however some annoyance at the steady Anglicisation of Scotland and frustration at accidental or deliberate insults as well as anti-Scottish propaganda. In 1850 Reverend James Begg of the Free Church called for action to maintain an independent Scottish nation arguing that England had broken the terms of the union (which it had) and that the English got more money from government coffers than the Scots.

In 1854 the Scottish Rights Society was founded largely over the issue of the St.George’s cross as the flag of the British navy but they were unable to effect any change. There were also complaints about using the term Britain to mean England and the use of the word ‘Scotch’. These all appear as rather pedantic complaints in comparison to the complaints of the Irish nationalists and at this time they were not really linked to any demand for Scottish autonomy. ‘The conversion of the Liberal Party to home rule for Ireland in 1886 led to an immediate upsurge of nationalist sentiment among Scottish Liberals.’ (3). In 1888 Scottish Liberals began to demand home rule for Scotland. The Scottish Home Rule Association had been founded two years earlier in Edinburgh and included radicals from the Highlands and the labour movement. However Scottish home rule was ignored until the Irish question could be settled and in the meantime the Liberals decreased in popularity. The outbreak of the war in 1914 virtually ended all talk of home rule as Scotland proved her impressive loyalty to Britain with around 90% of those eligible volunteering, a far higher percentage than in England.

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