Liechtenstein’s Constitutional Crisis Over For Now!
Sunday, March 16th, 2003 will be a date that will live in the hearts and minds of the citizens of the tiny Principality of Liechtenstein. For some it will possibly be remembered as the day that democracy died. Others will remember it as the day direct democracy showed that it can effectively work. Many citizens are just relived that Liechtenstein's constitutional crisis is over - for now!
Many outsiders viewed the crisis as a "tempest in a teacup." What possibly could the events in Liechtenstein have to do with anything. Wrong! The recent crisis in Liechtenstein is a benchmark, a living experiment, a litmus test for the state of health in the world. At one end of the spectrum you have the looming War with Iraq, not to mention the many little wars in various "third world" countries that stretch the boundaries of international law and decency. On the other end you have Liechtenstein where the citizens struggle with their concept of direct democracy. In Liechtenstein, they have come a long way from the status of serfs and vassals a feudal lord to citizens of a rich constitutional monarchy where the people share the power with a Prince. It is, in my view, a model that we all should strive for.
The struggles in the Third World often fail while direct democracy appears to be working in Liechtenstein. But is it? The recent constitutional debate, plebiscite and bitter campaign points out the cracks in the otherwise peaceful façade of direct democracy in Liechtenstein. But are not these so-called cracks part and parcel of the democratic process? Nothing worthwhile has ever been achieved without a little effort or trouble. Liechtenstein is no different.
Liechtenstein's constitutional crisis has its roots in the early history of the principality. The serfs and vassals of the rulers and owners of the two counties struggled to win more freedom. The previous constitutions granted by the Princes were a big step in the right direction. But the struggle continues even today. The present debate began in the early 1990's.
While his father was loved by his subjects, Hans-Adams has only won their respect and possibly in some cases their fear. Many who are opposed to his policies are pro-royalists And feel that Liechtenstein's identity is linked to its prince. That, however, does not mean they have to like the present ruler. Prince Hans-Adams threats to leave the country if he did not get his way and his jokes about selling Liechtenstein to Bill Gates did not endear him to some of his subjects. His policies and what others viewed as meddling in government affairs have also alienated others. (See "Liechtenstein's Constitutional Crisis" at http://www.suite101.com/article.cfm/liec...
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