Another Balkans Bust-up

Days after Europe's newest state elected its first leaders, one of the new state's main creators and defenders was slain by an assassin's bullet. With its fragile democracy gaining more fragility each day, what lays ahead for Serbia will be crucial to the region.

Remember the NATO bombing campaign against Serbia to liberate Kosovo? In that era before the presumed advent of such bold concepts as pre-emptive strikes and respectable talk of instigating regime change, the goal was never officially stated as a mission to oust Serbian President Slobidan Melosevic. But immediately after the raids ended, Mr. Melosevic found he confronted an internal crisis almost as dreadful as what NATO did to his country. Pressure mounted in the form of civil disobedience. Some protests evolved into riots, and some violence ensued, but at the end of it all Mr. Melosevic was duly delivered to the Hague for his war crimes trial.

A new system evolved in Serbia - a quasi-democratic system that strived to encourage the concept of civil society. Although the new leaders are in some sense products of the old regime, they have long since shunned that regime. As with any transitional order, there were and still are many security and personal safety issues that create a rather difficult balance for the new generation of Balkan leaders.

Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic was one of this new generation of Balkan leaders who made a deep and lasting contribution to the new Serbia. Mr. Djindjic was in the vanguard of those who boldly opposed Slobidan Melosevic. During his time as prime minister, Mr. Djindjic worked endlessly to ensure stability in the region. That effort culminated in February 2003 when the Serbia-Montenegro Federation officially gained existence with a new Constitution that separates powers of head of state and government, mandates a freely elected legislature, and creates a Constitutional Court.

Like all reformers, Mr. Djindjic had his share of opponents. These mainly consisted of old Melosevic allies and extremists on the left and right of the political spectrum. Like all states in transition, Serbia has not completely sorted out its political parties structure, and radical groups have plenty of opportunities to seek influence. One of these groups is the Zemun group that takes its name from a Belgrade suburb. This is the group investigators suspect is responsible for Mr. Djindjic's untimely demise.

Zoran Djindjic knew well he was a likely target for an assassin's bullet. Two attempts were made on his life during the last month, but Mr. Djindjic refused increased security because he did not take the threats as seriously as perhaps he should have and because he did not want to be isolated by security people. So he shrugged aside the danger and proceeded to conduct his duties and prepare for the new state's first legislative elections.

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