Democracy in Yugoslavia: Milosevic´s Final Defeat - Page 3
© Peter Weber
Up to this moment Milosevic could still count on his secret service and police. But when the dictator tried to play his last card, ordering the Constitutional Court to annul the election result, the people´s fury exploded and on Thursday 5th October they stormed the parliament building, the central bank and the TV-station, sweeping away the last strongholds of the regime. Milosevic repeatedly ordered to shoot on the demonstrating crowd, but the chief of his general staff, general Nebojsa Pavkovic, refused to obey, replying that he would use the army instead to prevent such a massacre. Thus, after a few dramatic episodes, the police forces dropped any resistance and fraternized with the winners.
Appearing like a spontaneous, though mostly not bloody revolt of the people, the revolution in Belgrade was in reality a well organized coup. One of Kostunica´s closest supporters, mayor Velimir Ilic from the town of Cacak declared that he had personally led a special task force of some 500 men to the capital. “The first officers to fraternize with the protesting people were my own men disguised as policemen,” he said.
After the successful revolt, the electoral commission and the Constitutional Court hastened to proclaim Kostunica winner of the elections and new president of Yugoslavia. For 24 hours Milosevic´s fate was unknown. He was supposed to be seeking refuge in one of his bunkers near the Bulgarian border or preparing his flight and exile in Russia. But most surprisingly the next day the dethroned leader reappeared in Belgrade, paying a humble visit to the winner and new president, whom he brought his congratulations. Thus evidencing once again his high art of surrendering just a second after broke, Milosevic declared that he had no intention of leaving his political activity and that after a short pause with his family he would like to be the leader of the opposition.
The perspectives of such an endurance of his evil influence on Serbian politics could certainly not be welcomed, especially not by the Western nations who are trying to have Milosevic judged for war crimes by the International Court at the Hague. But president Kostunica could at least be tempted to find his predecessor useful in a minor political role guaranteeing that his supporters stay calm. In his first decisions the new president has shown a very cautious conduct, trying to avoid any unnecessary provocation of the fallen regime. He has been very wise to do so, since Milosevic´s Serbian Socialist Party is still holding an absolute majority in the Serbian parliament and his supporters still control many institutions.
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