War and Responsibilty: Ferguson's PITY OF WAR (book review)


© Joseph Sramek

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Niall Ferguson, The Pity of War, (New York: Basic Books, 1999).

In the preface to this book, Ferguson writes "That my grandfather fought on the Western Front was, and still is, a strange source of pride. If I try to analyse that pride, I suppose it has to do with the fact that the First World War remains the worst thing the people of my country have ever had to endure." [1] Also relayed in that preface are his own experiences as a child, growing up 50 years after the First World War, but nevertheless being profoundly impacted by it. These two things, more than anything else, I feel, describe the essense of this book. The author, trying to come to grips with the British experience in the Great War, asks why?, how?, if only if? Etc.

In addition to the personal reasons for writing this book, however, Ferguson's chief aim is to ask questions long thought settled. Writing rather scathingly "Historians do well to remember that they owe very little indeed to the historical profession," [2] Ferguson argues that many questions have indeed not been answered, or that their answers are wrong and need to be re-addressed. Thus, in very much an A.J.P. Taylorian fashion--his academic hero it turns out--Ferguson challenges practically everything that has commonly come to be accepted by the historiography.

In Chapter 1 he argues that militarism was a dying political force by 1914 in both Britain and Germany. Prior to the July crisis, "Europeans were not marching to war, but turning their backs on militarism." [3] Chapter 2 has him arguing that the classic Anglo-German economic rivalry has been excessively overdetermined by economic historians. Rather than focusing on the growth of German economic power during the 1890s and afterward, Ferguson argues that historians should focus on the immense extent of British financial power. [4] Germany was not a threat to Britain economically; nor was it a military threat either. Britain's decision to conclude the Entente Cordiale with France in 1904 was predicated not by British apprehensions about an emerging German menace but rather by an acknowledgement of Germany's weakness. Britain appeased those powers that appeared to pose the greatest threat to her position, and whereas this group included France, Russia and the U.S., it did not include Germany. [5]

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Here's the follow-up discussion on this article: View all related messages

6.   Oct 1, 1999 6:38 AM
Well, Ferguson's ignorance of economics was demonstrated by his unlearnt disquisitions on German hyperinflation.

-- posted by pseudoerasmus


5.   Oct 1, 1999 2:39 AM
I rather doubt that Ferguson really had in mind anything like Galbraith's, Marx's or Keynes' distinctions between financial and industrial capital. Having discussed economics with his research assist ...

-- posted by JS_Mill


4.   Sep 30, 1999 7:25 PM
What's interesting about this is that it shows how the old Cold War barriers between right and left have broken down in the last decade or so. Ferguson is from the right-wing faction of British acade ...

-- posted by Joe_Sramek


3.   Sep 29, 1999 6:10 AM
hmmm . . . I think that JK Galbraith makes a distinction between financial capital and industrial capital and so do some Marxists. Something approaching a distinction of this type is hinted at in pa ...

-- posted by JS_Mill


2.   Sep 27, 1999 9:31 PM
(1) What economic theory holds that "financial power is more important than economic power"? I can't even think of any "economic theory" which distinguishes between the two.

Ferguson's! If ...


-- posted by Joe_Sramek





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